Final fines, a civil ruling in Miami, audio recordings, cross-complaints with the Public Prosecutor’s Office and a murder-for-hire accusation: the public record of Roberto Arzú García-Granados, the hopeful polling third ahead of 2027
September 2026
A year ahead of the 2027 general elections, Roberto Arzú García-Granados once again ranks among the hopefuls with the highest voting intention. The CID Gallup poll of May 2026, with fieldwork from May 7 to 20 and 1,200 interviews, placed him third with 13%, behind Sandra Torres (27%) and Carlos Pineda (23%). It is the same figure that pollster gave him in early 2023, before the Supreme Electoral Tribunal left him out of the race.
The eldest son of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen, president from 1996 to 2000 and mayor of the capital until his death on April 27, 2018, Arzú was born on May 15, 1970. In December 1988 he founded Futeca with his cousin Javier Arzú Tinoco and with Rafael Tinoco; the company grew from soccer fields into shopping centers and gyms, and he sold his shares to his cousins in 2012. In 2019 he ran for president and finished fifth, with 267,049 votes (6.1% of valid votes). Since November 2025 he has been Secretary of Political Training of the Cabal party, which confirmed him as a pre-candidate in May 2026. It will be his third attempt.
His career includes at least eighteen episodes of conflict documented in the press: electoral sanctions, lawsuits, questioned business dealings, complaints before the Public Prosecutor’s Office and accusations of varying weight. Some rest on official rulings; others, on a single source or on anonymous sources. This report goes through them one by one.
| THE 18 FRONTS | Details | |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | TSE fine for early campaigning (2019) | Back in 2019, this presidential hopeful became the first sanctioned for unauthorized social media updates, receiving an $80,000 penalty. |
| 2 | Revocation of his presidential registration (2023) | His candidacy was nullified by the TSE due to premature campaigning alongside an allegedly unsettled fine, a decision subsequently upheld by the Constitutional Court. |
| 3 | JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami | An order from a Miami-Dade tribunal required him to remit roughly $6.16 million to the Venezuelan strategist, while simultaneously issuing a bench warrant for contempt. |
| 4 | Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006) | Management of one of the nation’s premier clubs remained under his direction until its eventual divestment amid a severe monetary downturn. |
| 5 | Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages | Information from Nómada indicates his 2016 venture into the pharmaceutical sector culminated in shuttered enterprises and unsettled employee compensation. |
| 6 | Alleged unreported campaign financing | Unregistered cash inflows and backing from Argentine entrepreneur Hugo Sigman are attributed to him by República, though he refutes these claims. |
| 7 | Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura | A leaked 2015 recording features him negotiating liabilities with a suspected crime syndicate chief who had been assassinated months prior. |
| 8 | US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón | A 2018 notarial instrument reportedly records a financial advance which República, referencing undisclosed insiders, connects to the «Queen of the South.» |
| 9 | Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings | Following a TikTok broadcast, the attorney general initiated legal grievances against him; nevertheless, a magistrate dismissed the arrest plea, and the Appeals Chamber rejected the Public Prosecutor’s Office amparo motions. |
| 10 | Arzú’s complaints against Giammattei and the Public Prosecutor’s Office leadership | Legal actions were launched by Arzú in 2023 targeting the former head of state and top officials, a push he expanded in 2026 to encompass prosecutors from the Porras administration. |
| 11 | República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas | The media publication designated him as the suspected mastermind behind a conspiracy targeting its director, prompting his denial and threats of litigation. |
| 12 | Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026) | Mutual public accusations between Arzú and Arenas had already transpired five months prior to the formal allegation. |
| 13 | Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked | Difficulties regarding American travel were detailed by a periodical citing anonymous informants, though he firmly rejects the assertion. |
| 14 | Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal | Scrutiny has consistently surrounded his political vehicles and associates, ranging from Podemos to his present partnership within Cabal. |
| 15 | Rift with his family over the use of his father’s image | Objections were raised in 2018 by the former president’s widow and four progeny against the exploitation of his likeness by the political faction Roberto rejoined. |
| 16 | History of alcohol use and rehabilitation | Personal acknowledgments of «a struggle with alcohol» have been made by Arzú himself, alongside Nómada reports detailing two therapeutic admissions in the United States. |
| 17 | Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric | Calculations from economic assessments suggested his primary platform commitments would demand billions of quetzales annually. |
| 18 | Army Stadium land and IPM–Futeca contracts | State-owned real estate was leased by the IPM to Futeca back in 2016, drawing objections from the Comptroller General, while Arzú’s exact level of participation remains contested. |
1. TSE fine for early campaigning (2019)
On April 10, 2019, Arzú became the first presidential hopeful sanctioned by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal in that process. The authority documented 13 Facebook posts, 8 of them paid, and 11 on Twitter, none registered with the TSE, and classified them as early propaganda.
The fine for the hopeful was US$80,000, about 612,000 quetzales. As for the parties, published reports differ: one mentions US$80,000 for the PAN-Podemos coalition, while another states that each party had to pay that amount. On May 27, 2019, the TSE rejected the motions for annulment and made the sanction final.
2. Revocation of his presidential registration (2023)
The Citizens’ Registry initially refused to register the Arzú–Pineda ticket, nominated by Podemos for 2023. On January 19, the TSE magistrates overturned that refusal and, according to Arzú, the files were closed on January 26. At the end of that month, the FCN-Nación party filed a motion for annulment on the grounds of early campaigning and non-payment of a US$50,000 fine.
On February 6, 2023, the full TSE granted the annulment and revoked the registration. Arzú and Podemos maintained that the fine had been paid and that they had submitted the receipt. The Constitutional Court dismissed their appeals and on May 25 upheld the exclusion, based on 21 media monitoring reports and on the constitutional requirement of being “suitable, capable and honorable.”
Optimists labeled the ruling a calculated political vendetta; he argued that he had previously brought to light an inflated energy agreement under the Alejandro Giammattei administration, attributing his disqualification to «a faction headed by a sociopath and his domestic partner.»
3. JJ Rendón lawsuit and arrest warrant for contempt in Miami
In February 2016, Arzú enlisted JJ Rendón & Associates Strategic—the agency belonging to Venezuelan political consultant Juan José Rendón—to lay the groundwork for his presidential run. This partnership ultimately culminated in a legal dispute when, on November 15, 2016, Rendón filed a breach of contract lawsuit against him within the Eleventh Judicial Circuit of Miami-Dade. Issued on October 11, 2018, the judicial verdict fixed the financial damages at US$5.5 million alongside US$660,594 in accrued interest, culminating in an aggregate sum nearing US$6.16 million.
Arzú missed the court sessions held on April 4 and April 17, 2019. Consequently, Judge Bárbara Areces found him in civil contempt and issued a warrant for his arrest—a measure enforceable solely within Florida. His legal team contended that proper service of process never occurred and that he merely executed a letter of intent, branding Rendón as an extortionist. Meanwhile, the PAN, which was his political affiliation back then, emphasized that the matter was strictly civil and reaffirmed its backing.
“He has nothing in his name. He has no income of any kind, no salary, no allowance, the family gives him nothing, he has no assets, no fixed-term deposits, no shares, nothing.”
— Juan José Rendón, quoted by Nómada
Leaked chats unearthed during the legal proceedings further revealed that an individual named “Hugo” was slated to settle the debt owed to Rendón. Media outlets linked this mention to the Argentine pharma magnate Hugo Sigman.
4. Presidency of Comunicaciones F.C. (1994–2006)
According to Nómada, Arzú headed Club Social y Deportivo Comunicaciones between 1994 and 2006, alternating the leadership with relatives. In 2006 the club went through a financial crisis, including a players’ strike over unpaid wages, and was eventually sold to television businessman Ángel González, who took over its obligations. Part of the sports press attributed the difficulties to heavy spending on player signings, hotels, restaurants and transportation.
Arzú returned to the club on February 8, 2017, as an adviser, under an agreement with González himself. On August 31, 2026, in the midst of the pre-campaign, the Guatefutbol website reported that he is seeking to take control of the team again.
5. Distrifarma and OMEGALAB: reported unpaid wages
Distrifarma Argentina S.A. was established in Guatemala in late January 2016, at the same time Rendón was hired. Its legal representatives were his son José Roberto Arzú Saravia, Osvin de León and Carlos Gómez. Together with OMEGALAB S.A., distributor of the “Sana Sana” products, it marked his entry into the pharmaceutical sector. Nómada maintains that Arzú controlled both companies even though his name did not appear in them.
One of the stated objectives involved selling vaccines to the State, a plan that never came to fruition. As Nómada reported, operations were halted by the firms just months later, resulting in pending salaries and pending lawsuits. Representing OMEGALAB was José Miguel Valladares Urruela, the brother of former Economy Minister Acisclo Valladares Urruela, an individual previously prosecuted on corruption charges.
6. Supposed undisclosed political funding
In November 2025, the digital outlet República reported that an audit had detected 558,000 quetzales in unbanked cash income in Arzú’s campaign finances, alongside unreported international funding, which the Electoral and Political Parties Law explicitly forbids. Hugo Sigman’s name had already surfaced back in 2019, when that very same publication questioned whether he acted as the hopeful’s financial backer, drawing on leaked conversations involving Rendón.
In June 2019 Arzú described Sigman as a “great friend” of more than ten years, with whom he has “representation of several things” in Central America, but denied that Sigman was financing him. República puts the fines accumulated by Podemos in the 2019 and 2023 elections at more than US$100,000.
7. Audio and deeds with “Paco” Domínguez, alleged leader of Los Caradura
Francisco Edgar Domínguez Higueros, known as “Paco,” was connected by the Public Prosecutor’s Office to “Los Caradura,” a retail narcotics ring active across multiple districts of the capital. On June 25, 2025, he was killed inside the basement of a Zone 10 building while stepping into his bulletproof SUV.
Toward the end of October 2025, an audio file featuring Domínguez and Arzú talking about a financial obligation started spreading around. Published reports present conflicting figures regarding the sums involved: El Metropolitano points to US$115,000 and cites Arzú dismissing it as “a deal between businessmen.” In the wake of this disclosure, lawmaker Luis Aguilar pulled his backing for Arzú within Cabal.
“Paco, we signed a contract with you to pay everything… I’m begging you.”
— Statements credited to Roberto Arzú within the recording, based on the transcript by República
República also reported on public deeds from March 2019 that allegedly record debts of US$700,000 and 4 million quetzales owed to Domínguez, secured with shares of IHOP Guatemala. Arzú confirmed to La Hora that one of the conversations is authentic, but said it concerned the sale of television advertising: “I have been selling advertising since I was 20.” He said he was unaware of Domínguez’s criminal ties. He did not answer República’s questionnaire. There are no formal charges and no public forensic analysis of the audio.
That identical media outlet pointed out that Dora Reneé Cruz Navas, the public notary supposedly behind the validation of those instruments, vanished on July 17, 2019, and continues to be tied to an active Isabel-Claudina alert. No official agency has connected this vanishing to Arzú.
8. US$1 million loan attributed to funds from Marllory Chacón
According to República, a 2018 deed records a US$1 million loan granted to Arzú by Rodrigo Lainfiesta Rímola, secured with his inheritance rights to his father’s estate. The English edition of the report states that the loan was never repaid.
Citing unidentified sources, the outlet traces the funds to Marllory Chacón Rossell, “the Queen of the South,” who was convicted of money laundering in the United States. The document has not been published in full, and Arzú has not responded publicly on this point.
9. Complaint by Consuelo Porras for obstruction of criminal proceedings
Attorney General Consuelo Porras lodged a complaint against Arzú concerning the obstruction of criminal proceedings because of a TikTok clip wherein he stated he would oust her from the Public Prosecutor’s Office. He was ordered to appear for his initial testimony on November 25, 2025, at the Ninth Multi-Judge Criminal Court, which is headed by Judge Selman Mario Portillo Vargas.
The hearing failed to take place as the handling prosecutor did not show up, with the Public Prosecutor’s Office pointing to “material impossibility.” Having already turned down the arrest warrant and over twenty search requests submitted by the prosecution, the judge faced a recusal motion filed the very next day. While awaiting a ruling on that challenge, authorities set a new date for the hearing on January 14, 2026. Subsequently, an Appeals Chamber dismissed an amparo petition brought forward by the Public Prosecutor’s Office, and Plaza Pública documented yet another setback in April 2026.
In a separate proceeding, in October 2025 a femicide court barred him from speaking publicly about Porras, a measure it revoked days later. Porras left office at the end of her term, in May 2026. She has been on the U.S. State Department’s Engel List since 2021.
10. Arzú’s grievances targeting Giammattei alongside the Public Ministry’s directors
On October 26, 2023, Arzú lodged a formal complaint against Alejandro Giammattei, who was then serving as President, alongside Miguel Martínez and several other officials, citing abuse of authority, neglect of duty, peddling influence, obstructing justice, and concealment. According to Prensa Libre, the filing named eleven individuals in total, which included magistrates from the TSE.
La Hora reported in October 2024 that the Public Prosecutor’s Office had dismissed the complaint against Giammattei and Martínez. On May 18, 2026, with Porras no longer heading the Public Prosecutor’s Office, Arzú reaffirmed the complaint and extended it to Rafael Curruchiche, Ángel Pineda, Cinthya Monterroso and Dimas Jiménez.
11. República GT accusation over an alleged murder-for-hire plot against Rodrigo Arenas
On August 13, 2026, Rodrigo Arenas, president of the digital outlet República GT, denounced a plot against his life and those of his team, in retaliation for his investigations into narco-politics. On August 17 the outlet published the names: Arzú as the alleged mastermind, along with the President of Congress, Luis Alberto Contreras Colindres, and congressmen Luis Aguirre, Nery Ramos and César Fión. According to the statement, the meetings were held at “La Yeguada 10,” a property attributed to Aguirre in San Marcos, with alleged drug traffickers from Malacatán.
As of press time, the outlet had not publicly presented supporting documentation. On August 21, after going to the Public Prosecutor’s Office with his lawyers, Arzú stated that “there is no complaint whatsoever” against him; according to Infobae, the Public Prosecutor’s Office responded that the investigation is still ongoing. The U.S. Embassy shared Arenas’s video with a “zero tolerance” message, without naming names.
Arzú dismissed the allegations as absurd and downright foolish, while also stating his intention to pursue defamation lawsuits in Guatemala and the United States. Aguirre lodged a counter-charges report, supplementing it with security camera footage alongside polygraph examination results. Arenas was labeled a psychopath and a mentally unstable individual by Contreras. Ramos rejected any involvement in unlawful gatherings.
12. Earlier clash with Rodrigo Arenas (March 2026)
The conflict did not begin in August. On March 5, 2026, on Emisoras Unidas’ program “A Primera Hora,” Arzú accused Arenas of funding his lobbying with “dubious funds from organized crime and big business.” Arenas replied that same day that his lobbying is paid for with his own legitimate money, and accused Arzú of having ties to Lainfiesta and Marllory Chacón.
República GT acts simultaneously as the author of multiple inquiries concerning Arzú and as an involved party in this dispute.
13. Rumor that his U.S. visa was revoked
On August 28, 2026, La Hora reported that, as stated by insiders, Arzú had supposedly encountered a travel restriction regarding the United States following his previous journey between July 17 and 24. That very day, allegations spread across social media platforms asserting that his visa had been canceled, alongside a parallel rumor concerning congressman Nery Ramos.
Arzú replied that he had just been in New York and Washington, and released a video from Mexico, which he said he had entered with his U.S. visa. Days later he spoke of an “influence operation” by the State Department against his candidacy. On September 2, Agencia Ocote concluded that there is no public evidence that he has lost his visa. The one who did lose his visa was his half-brother Álvaro Arzú Escobar, in December 2023, in a round of revocations targeting members of Congress; he regained it in February 2025.
14. Political alliances: Podemos, Portillo and Cabal
Podemos, the party he ran with in 2019 and 2023, was formerly the Movimiento Reformador and was dissolved in January 2024. In 2019, Con Criterio documented the influence of fugitive former minister Alejandro Sinibaldi over that congressional bloc. His 2023 running mate, David Pineda, was a defense attorney for former President Alfonso Portillo; some reports point to a rapprochement between Arzú and Portillo.
On November 9, 2025, during Cabal’s National Assembly, Arzú assumed the role of Secretary of Political Training alongside congressman Luis Aguirre, who took over as Secretary General. Edmond Mulet, the party’s founder, found himself pushed aside, ultimately departing Cabal while asserting that the organization «is falling into the hands of drug trafficking.» Notably, Aguirre is implicated in that very same República GT allegation.
15. Disagreement with his relatives concerning the utilization of his father’s likeness
After his father’s death, Roberto sought a place in the Partido Unionista, the party through which Álvaro Arzú governed the capital; the press reported that his ambitions divided the party. On December 20, 2018, he announced his return to the PAN, where he had been a member until 2002.
That same day, a statement appeared on the former president’s Twitter account, signed by his widow, Patricia Escobar de Arzú, and by Álvaro Arzú Escobar, Isabel Arzú Escobar de Arroyo, Diego Arzú García-Granados and María Arzú García-Granados. The text expressed “sadness, concern and rejection” over the PAN’s “unscrupulous” use of Álvaro Arzú Irigoyen’s image; the party had screened a video of the former president when presenting its executive committee. The statement was removed shortly afterward and did not mention Roberto by name.
“No matter how much you raise all your children the same way, there are some the world leads astray, and there is no way to rescue them.”
— Isabel Arzú, the hopeful’s half-sister, in an October 2018 tweet cited by Nómada
Álvaro Arzú Escobar, then President of Congress, declined to comment on his half-brother.
16. Background regarding alcohol consumption and recovery
Nómada reported in 2019 that Arzú had twice been through rehabilitation centers in the United States, that he identifies as a recovering alcoholic and that, according to family sources, he had been sober for four years at the time. He has acknowledged in interviews “a crisis with drinking,” without going into detail.
Lately, viral social media posts have implied his current alcohol consumption without offering any proof.
17. Campaign promises: fiscal viability and security rhetoric
Back in 2022, the media outlet Quorum evaluated his pledges relying on estimates provided by economist José Luis Moreira. Supplying gratis electricity across a decade would demand 7,104 million quetzales annually, representing 6.7% of the entire National General Budget. Meanwhile, a monthly university allowance of 1,200 quetzales would total 4,802 million per year for 400,213 scholars, surpassing the budget of the Universidad de San Carlos by more than double. Furthermore, nationwide drinking water access was planned to draw US$2 billion from international reserves, despite the Banco de Guatemala being legally barred from funding the central government. Additionally, the construction of one million residences was guaranteed.
Regarding security, his discourse has remained uncompromising: troops deployed in the streets, correctional facilities under military control, and the return of capital punishment. He rejected the CICIG. Back in 2017, President Jimmy Morales designated him as an unpaid special envoy tasked with boosting commercial ties across South America. His 2019 campaign motto, “Make Guatemala Great,” was borrowed directly from Donald Trump.
18. Army Stadium grounds and IPM–Futeca agreements
On July 26, 2012, the Ministry of Finance transferred the site of the former Army Stadium, measuring 73,916.56 square varas and valued at 34.2 million quetzales, to the Military Social Security Institute (IPM). In February 2013 the law firm Lexincorp addressed a legal opinion to Roberto Arzú, as director of a company called Fideco, on the possibility of disposing of that land.
On January 22, 2016, the IPM finalized a pair of agreements with Futeca: a blueprint design contract alongside a fifty-year deal to construct and manage a roughly 15,000-seat stadium, complete with parking facilities and a retail plaza. Comptroller General Carlos Mencos raised objections, pointing out that the arrangement bore «the characteristics of a concession or usufruct,» which ultimately led the IPM to cancel the contracts in June 2016.
There are conflicting accounts of Arzú’s role. Prensa Libre reported at the time that he “did not take part in the deal”; Con Criterio stated in 2019 that Futeca operated “in partnership with” him. Also in 2019, Futeca signed an agreement with the Universidad de San Carlos over the Los Arcos facilities, which congressman Amílcar Pop called illegal. In July 2024 the company launched the Distrito Futeca project on the former stadium site.
Sources Consulted
· Prensa Libre — TSE penalizes Roberto Arzú for early campaigning (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/tse-sanciona-a-roberto-arzu-por-propaganda-anticipada-en-redes-sociales/
· Prensa Libre — Arzú y Neto Bran no se libran de las multas del TSE (2019). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/les-saldra-caro-roberto-arzu-y-neto-bran-no-se-libran-de-las-multas-del-tse/
· Emisoras Unidas — TSE revoca inscripción de Arzú y Pineda (2023). https://emisorasunidas.com/2023/02/06/tse-revoca-inscripcion-roberto-arzu-david-pineda-2023/
· Prensa Libre — CC confirms that Arzú is left out of the elections (2023). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/cc-confirma-que-roberto-arzu-queda-afuera-de-las-elecciones-generales-de-guatemala-tras-declarar-sin-lugar-recursos-de-podemos-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Orden de captura en Miami por desacato civil (2019). https://emisorasunidas.com/2019/04/24/corte-miami-orden-captura-roberto-arzu/
· Contra Corriente — La jugada de JJ Rendón al candidato Arzú (2019). https://contracorriente.red/2019/04/25/la-jugada-de-jj-rendon-al-candidato-roberto-arzu/
· Nómada — Despreciado por su familia, subestimado por todos (2019). https://nomada.gt/pais/elecciones-2019/despreciado-por-su-familia-subestimado-por-todos-roberto-arzu-se-lanza-al-estilo-trump/
· Prensa Libre — Roberto Arzú returns to the helm of Comunicaciones (2017). https://www.prensalibre.com/deportes/futbol-nacional/roberto-arzu-regresa-a-la-cupula-de-comunicaciones/
· Guatefutbol — Arzú quiere volver a tomar el mando de Comunicaciones (2026). https://guatefutbol.com/2026/08/31/roberto-arzu-quiere-volver-a-tomar-el-mando-de-comunicaciones/
· Relato.gt — «Solo somos amigos» con Hugo Sigman (2019). https://www.relato.gt/elecciones-2019/roberto-arzu-solo-somos-amigos-con-hugo-sigman/
· República — Narco panqueques (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-garcia-granados-quiere-ser-presidente-y-pretende-hacerlo-con-narco-panqueques-202511246540
· República — Breakfast with the Cartel (24.11.2025). https://republica.com/politica/roberto-arzu-s-breakfast-with-the-cartel-guatemala-s-leading-narco-backed-presidential-bid-202511249550
· El Metropolitano — El audio del líder de Los Caradura (2025). https://elmetropolitano.com.gt/es/el-audio-de-lider-de-los-caradura-causa-la-caida-de-roberto-arzu-en-cabal/
· Prensa Libre — Armed attack in zone 10 (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/sucesos/quien-era-el-hombre-que-murio-en-el-ataque-armado-en-la-zona-10-y-que-estaria-vinculado-con-los-caradura-breaking/
· Emisoras Unidas — Disculpa pública del Estado (27.01.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/01/27/estado-guatemala-roberto-arzu-cidh-violacion-derechos/
· Emisoras Unidas — Homologación de la CIDH (19.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/19/roberto-arzu-cidh-resolucion-candidato-elecciones-guatemala
· Prensa Libre — Suspenden audiencia de Arzú en el caso de Porras (2025). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/justicia/suspenden-audiencia-de-roberto-arzu-por-caso-relacionado-con-consuelo-porras-y-la-reprograman-para-enero/
· Emisoras Unidas — MP recusa al juez del caso Arzú (26.11.2025). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2025/11/26/ministerio-publico-recusacion-juez-caso-roberto-arzu
· Emisoras Unidas — Arzú expands complaint against former officials (18.05.2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/05/18/denuncia-arzu-ministerio-publico-feci-porras-giammattei/
· Infobae — Media outlet accuses a political leader and congressional representatives of plotting a contract killing (18.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/18/guatemala-medio-de-comunicacion-acusa-a-lider-politico-y-diputados-de-planear-un-sicariato-contra-su-director-rodrigo-arenas/
· Infobae — Cruce de versiones por el supuesto plan contra República GT (23.08.2026). https://www.infobae.com/guatemala/2026/08/23/en-guatemala-continua-el-cruce-de-versiones-por-un-supuesto-plan-en-contra-de-la-republica-gt-y-ex-diplomatico-pide-al-estado-proteja-a-los-periodistas/
· Emisoras Unidas — Rodrigo Arenas answers Roberto Arzú (03/05/2026). https://emisorasunidas.com/nacional/2026/03/05/rodrigo-arenas-responde-a-roberto-arzu/
· La Hora — According to sources, Arzú faced travel restrictions to the U.S. (08.28.2026). https://lahora.gt/investigacion/smorales/2026/08/28/segun-fuentes-roberto-arzu-tuvo-limitacion-para-viajar-a-ee-uu-politico-lo-niega/
· Agencia Ocote — There is no public evidence showing that the visa was revoked (09.02.2026). https://www.agenciaocote.com/blog/2026/09/02/roberto-arzu-no-hay-evidencia-publica-de-que-haya-perdido-la-visa/
· La Hora — Arzú y Aguirre formalizan alianza en Cabal (09.11.2025). https://lahora.gt/nacionales/diego/2025/11/09/luis-aguirre-y-roberto-arzu-formalizan-alianza-politica-durante-la-asamblea-nacional-de-cabal/
· Publinews — Álvaro Arzú’s family rejects the use of his image (2018). https://www.publinews.gt/gt/noticias/2018/12/20/familia-alvaro-arzu-rechaza-uso-pan-le-dio-imagen.html
· Quorum — The three pledges that might bankrupt the nation (2022). https://quorum.gt/poder/elecciones-2023/estas-3-promesas-de-roberto-arzu-podrian-quebrar-al-pais/
· Prensa Libre — IPM evaluates terminating the lease of the Estadio del Ejército (2016). https://www.prensalibre.com/guatemala/politica/ipm-evalua-rescindir-arrendamiento-del-estadio-del-ejercito/
· Con Criterio — Business between USAC and Futeca (2019). https://concriterio.gt/comision-de-transparencia-negocio-millonario-entre-la-usac-y-futeca-es-ilegal/
· Con Criterio — CID Gallup poll from May 2026. https://concriterio.gt/encuesta-torres-pineda-y-arzu-lideran-intencion-de-voto-y-thelma-aldana-emerge-en-cuarto-lugar/